Prime Minister, President and... Prime minister (and then President in 2012?)

Russian President Vladimir Putin announced on Monday that he intends to run for parliament and suggested that he would then -who knows- become prime minister.

"I gratefully accept your offer," he told the 500 delegates to thunderous applause and a standing ovation. Asked by a delegate to govern the country as prime minister in 2008, Putin said it was a "realistic idea" under two conditions: an overwhelming victory by United Russia in the Dec. 2 elections and the selection of a "worthy candidate for the presidency" with whom he could cooperate. In his 20-minute introductory speech, Putin threw his support behind the pro-Kremlin party, praising its work and stressing that he had helped created it six years ago. "I not only supported the creation of the party in 2001, I was among its initiators," he said.

The european press decries this manipulation of democracy and wonders if it will really ensure stability.

The Financial Times writes:

"This plan is in stark contrast to the hierarchy of powers envisaged by the Russian constitution. It immediately raises the question of who will have the ultimate say in future: the newly elected president or his dynamic predecessor who is head of government."

The conservative Die Welt writes:

"Power in Russia is looking for a new bottle, but it's still the same old wine ... One can interpret this solution as something positive. There had been some forecasts of a phase of instability after Putin left office, with an internal conflict between Putin pulling the strings in the background and the new president, even if he were there with Vladimir's blessing. If Putin becomes prime minister then this conflict will be avoided, and the power relations will be fixed for some time. But stability has a high price. The state, society and economy in Russia will become even more rigid."A society that is forced together by authoritarian centralism will inevitably develop countervailing forces again. Putin's stability is only borrowed and, therefore, won't last long."

Yes, we know from past experience that the selection of a successor in Russia depends most heavily on that person’s ability to shield his or her benefactors from investigations and prosecution for their alleged legal sins.

So The Guardian wrote:

Mr Putin's novel plan to continue as prime minister after his presidency ends next year is all but certain to be enacted. Power will simply flow to him in his new incarnation, according to Jörg Himmelreich, of the German Marshall Fund. "It's a smart step to stay in charge. Some people say it will make Russia more democratic by shifting power to the Duma [parliament]. Don't believe it. It's a good marketing move ... the new president, whoever that is, will dance to Putin's tune."

But Robert Amsterdam insists that we should never underestimate Moscow’s ability to sell the story they want told. In an effort to project this image of stability and strength, the Kremlin has resorted to instinct: more and more aggressive interference on international crisis issues like Iran, Kosovo, and Myanmar. Once again more doublespeak from Gazprom, promising to be good supplier to Europe while flexing political muscle on the Ukraine.

In other words, everything looks like business as usual over there.

Putin's approval rating is above 75 percent, meaning his association with United Russia would almost guarantee that the party would retain its two-thirds majority in the Duma -- and likely collect additional seats. Recent polls have indicated that United Russia was on course to secure 50 percent of the vote. Putin's much criticised restrictions on free media and free expression, and his crackdown on political dissent, do not seem to worry the mass of Russians.

The Kremlin website offers the remarks at the United Russia Party Congress.